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Third volume of a 1727 edition of Plutarch's Lives |
Plutarch (A.D.
46?–c.A.D. 120). Plutarch’s Lives.
Vol. 12, pp. 196-205 of
The Harvard Classics
The man who put
pebbles in his mouth and orated to the sea, shaved one-half of his
head so that he would be obliged to stay at home until he had
perfected his oratory - a strange method of attaining eminence, but a
successful one.
Demosthenes
[...]
Another
time, when the assembly had refused to hear him, and he was going
home with his head muffled up, taking it very heavily, they relate
that Satyrus, the actor, followed him, and being his familiar
acquaintance, entered into conversation with him. To whom, when
Demosthenes bemoaned himself, that having been the most industrious
of all the pleaders, and having almost spent the whole strength and
vigor of his body in that employment, he could not yet find any
acceptance with the people, that drunken sots, mariners, and
illiterate fellows were heard, and had the hustings for their own,
while he himself was despised. “You say true, Demosthenes,”
replies Satyrus, “but I quickly remedy the cause of all this, if
you will repeat to me some passage out of Euripides or Sophocles.”
Which when Demosthenes had pronounced, Satyrus presently taking it up
after him, gave the same passage, in his rendering of it, such a new
form, by accompanying it with the proper mien and gesture, that to
Demosthenes it seemed quite another thing. By this being convinced
how much grace and ornament language acquires from action, he began
to esteem it a small matter, and as good as nothing for a man to
exercise himself in declaiming, if he neglected enunciation and
delivery. Hereupon he built himself a place to study in under ground,
(which was still remaining in our time), and hither he would come
constantly every day to form his action, and to exercise his voice;
and here he would continue, oftentimes without intermission, two or
three months together, shaving one half of his head, that so for
shame he might not go abroad, though he desired it ever so much.
Nor was
this all, but he also made his conversation with people abroad, his
common speech, and his business, subservient to his studies, taking
from hence occasions and arguments as matter to work upon. For as
soon as he was parted from his company, down he would go at once into
his study, and run over every thing in order that had passed, and the
reasons that might be alleged for and against it. Any speeches also,
that he was present at, he would go over again with himself, and
reduce into periods; and whatever others spoke to him, or he to them,
he would correct, transform, and vary several ways. Hence it was,
that he was looked upon as a person of no great natural genius, but
one who owed all the power and ability he had in speaking to labor
and industry. Of the truth of which it was thought to be no small
sign, that he was very rarely heard to speak upon the occasion, but
though he were by name frequently called upon by the people, as he
sat in the assembly, yet he would not rise unless he had previously
considered the subject, and came prepared for it. So that many of the
popular pleaders used to make it a jest against him; and Pytheas
once, scoffing at him, said that his arguments smelt of the lamp. To
which Demosthenes gave the sharp answer, “It is true, indeed,
Pytheas, that your lamp and mine are not conscious of the same
things.” To others, however, he would not much deny it, but would
admit frankly enough, that he neither entirely wrote his speeches
beforehand, nor yet spoke wholly extempore. And he would affirm, that
it was the more truly popular act to use premeditation, such
preparation being a kind of respect to the people; whereas, to slight
and take no care how what is said is likely to be received by the
audience, shows something of an oligarchical temper, and is the
course of one that intends force rather than persuasion. Of his want
of courage and assurance to speak offhand, they make it also another
argument, that when he was at a loss, and discomposed, Demades would
often rise up on the sudden to support him, but he was never observed
to do the same for Demades.
Whence
then, may some say, was it, that Æschines speaks of him as a person
so much to be wondered at for his boldness in speaking? Or, how could
it be, when Python, the Byzantine, “with so much confidence and
such a torrent of words inveighed against” 1 the
Athenians, that Demosthenes alone stood up to oppose him? Or, when
Lamachus, the Myrinæan, had written a panegyric upon king Philip and
Alexander, in which he uttered many things in reproach of the Thebans
and Olynthians, and at the Olympic Games recited it publicly, how was
it, that he, rising up, and recounting historically and
demonstratively what benefits and advantages all Greece had received
from the Thebans and Chalcidians, and on the contrary, what mischiefs
the flatterers of the Macedonians had brought upon it, so turned the
minds of all that were present that the sophist, in alarm at the
outcry against him, secretly made his way out of the assembly? But
Demosthenes, it should seem, regarded other points in the character
of Pericles to be unsuited to him; but his reserve and his sustained
manner, and his forbearing to speak on the sudden, or upon every
occasion, as being the things to which principally he owed his
greatness, these he followed, and endeavored to imitate, neither
wholly neglecting the glory which present occasion offered, nor yet
willing too often to expose his faculty to the mercy of chance. For,
in fact, the orations which were spoken by him had much more of
boldness and confidence in them than those that he wrote, if we may
believe Eratosthenes, Demetrius the Phalerian, and the Comedians.
Eratosthenes says that often in his speaking he would be transported
into a kind of ecstasy, and Demetrius, that he uttered the famous
metrical adjuration to the people,
“By the earth, the
springs, the rivers, and the streams,”
as a
man inspired, and beside himself. One of the comedians calls him
arhopoperperethras, 2 and another scoffs
at him for his use of antithesis:—
“And what he took,
took back; a phrase to please
The very fancy of
Demosthenes.”
Unless,
indeed, this also is meant by Antiphanes for a jest upon the speech
on Halonesus, which Demosthenes advised the Athenians not to take at
Philip’s hands, but to take back. 3
All,
however, used to consider Demades, in the mere use of his natural
gifts, an orator impossible to surpass, and that in what he spoke on
the sudden, he excelled all the study and preparation of Demosthenes.
And Ariston, the Chian, has recorded a judgment which Theophrastus
passed upon the orators; for being asked what kind of orator he
accounted Demosthenes, he answered, “Worthy of the city of Athens;”
and then, what he thought of Demades, he answered, “Above it.”
And the same philosopher reports, that Polyeuctus, the Sphettian, one
of the Athenian politicians about that time, was wont to say, that
Demosthenes was the greatest orator, but Phocion the ablest, as he
expressed the most sense in the fewest words. And, indeed, it is
related, that Demosthenes himself, as often as Phocion stood up to
plead against him, would say to his acquaintance, “Here comes the
knife to my speech.” Yet it does not appear whether he had this
feeling for his powers of speaking, or for his life and character,
and meant to say that one word or nod from a man who was really
trusted, would go further than a thousand lengthy periods from
others.
Demetrius, the Phalerian, tells us, that he was informed
by Demosthenes himself, now grown old, that the ways he made use of
to remedy his natural bodily infirmities and defects were such as
these; his inarticulate and stammering pronunciation he overcame and
rendered more distinct by speaking with pebbles in his mouth; his
voice he disciplined by declaiming and reciting speeches or verses
when he was out of breath, while running or going up steep places;
and that in his house he had a large looking-glass, before which he
would stand and go through his exercises. It is told that some one
once came to request his assistance as a pleader, and related how he
had been assaulted and beaten. “Certainly,” said Demosthenes,
“nothing of the kind can have happened to you.” Upon which the
other, raising his voice, exclaimed loudly, “What, Demosthenes,
nothing has been done to me?” “Ah,” replied Demosthenes, “now
I hear the voice of one that has been injured and beaten.” Of so
great consequence towards the gaining of belief did he esteem the
tone and action of the speaker. The action which he used himself was
wonderfully pleasing to the common people; but by well-educated
people, as, for example, by Demetrius, the Phalerian, it was looked
upon as mean, humiliating, and unmanly. And Hermippus says of Æsion,
that, being asked his opinion concerning the ancient orators and
those of his own time, he answered that it was admirable to see with
what composure and in what high style they addressed themselves to
the people; but that the orations of Demosthenes, when they are read,
certainly appear to be superior in point of construction, and more
effective. 4 His written speeches, beyond all
question, are characterized by austere tone and by their severity. In
his extempore retorts and rejoinders, he allowed himself the use of
jest and mockery. When Demades said, “Demosthenes teach me! So
might the sow teach Minerva!” he replied, “Was it this Minerva,
that was lately found playing the harlot in Collytus?” 5 When
a thief, who had the nickname of the Brazen, was attempting to
upbraid him for sitting up late, and writing by candlelight, “I
know very well,” said he, “that you had rather have all lights
out; and wonder not, O ye men of Athens, at the many robberies which
are committed, since we have thieves of brass and walls of clay.”
But on these points, though we have much more to mention, we will add
nothing at present. We will proceed to take an estimate of his
character from his actions and his life as a statesman.
His first
entering into public business was much about the time of the Phocian
war, as himself affirms, and may be collected from his Philippic
orations. For of these, some were made after that action was over,
and the earliest of them refer to its concluding events. It is
certain that he engaged in the accusation of Midias when he was but
two and thirty years old, having as yet no interest or reputation as
a politician. And this it was, I consider, that induced him to
withdraw the action, and accept a sum of money as a compromise. For
of himself
“He was no easy or
good-natured man,”
but of a determined
disposition, and resolute to see himself righted; however, finding it
a hard matter and above his strength to deal with Midias, a man so
well secured on all sides with money, eloquence, and friends, he
yielded to the entreaties of those who interceded for him. But had he
seen any hopes or possibility of prevailing, I cannot believe that
three thousand drachmas could have taken off the edge of his revenge.
The object which he chose for himself in the commonwealth was noble
and just, the defence of the Grecians against Philip; and in this he
behaved himself so worthily that he soon grew famous, and excited
attention everywhere for his eloquence and courage in speaking. He
was admired through all Greece, the king of Persia courted him, and
by Philip himself he was more esteemed than all the other orators.
His very enemies were forced to confess that they had to do with a
man of mark; for such a character even Æschines and Hyperides give
him, where they accuse and speak against him.
So that I
cannot imagine what ground Theopompus had to say, that Demosthenes
was of a fickle, unsettled disposition, and could not long continue
firm either to the same men or the same affairs; whereas the contrary
is most apparent, for the same party and post in politics which he
held from the beginning, to these he kept constant to the end; and
was so far from leaving them while he lived, that he chose rather to
forsake his life than his purpose. He was never heard to apologize
for shifting sides like Demades, who would say, he often spoke
against himself, but never against the city; nor as Melanopus, who,
being generally against Callistratus, but being often bribed off with
money, was wont to tell the people, “The man indeed is my enemy,
but we must submit for the good of our country;” nor again as
Nicodemus, the Messenian, who having first appeared on Cassander’s
side and afterwards taken part with Demetrius, said the two things
were not in themselves contrary, it being always most advisable to
obey the conqueror. We have nothing of this kind to say against
Demosthenes, as one who would turn aside or prevaricate, either in
word or deed. There could not have been less variation in his public
acts if they had all been played, so to say, from first to last, from
the same score. Panætius, the philosopher, said, that most of his
orations are so written, as if they were to prove this one
conclusion, that what is honest and virtuous is for itself only to be
chosen; as that of the Crown, that against Aristocrates, that for the
Immunities, and the Philippics; in all which he persuades his
fellow-citizens to pursue not that which seems most pleasant, easy,
or profitable; but declares over and over again, that they ought in
the first place to prefer that which is just and honorable, before
their own safety and preservation. So that if he had kept his hands
clean, if his courage for the wars had been answerable to the
generosity of his principles, and the dignity of his orations, he
might deservedly have his name placed, not in the number of such
orators as Mœrocles, Polyeuctus, and Hyperides, but in the highest
rank with Cimon, Thucydides, and Pericles.
Certainly
amongst those who were contemporary with him, Phocion, though he
appeared on the less commendable side in the commonwealth, and was
counted as one of the Macedonian party, nevertheless, by his courage
and his honesty, procured himself a name not inferior to those of
Ephialtes, Aristides, and Cimon. But Demosthenes, being neither fit
to be relied on for courage in arms, as Demetrius says, nor on all
sides inaccessible to bribery (for how invincible soever he was
against the gifts of Philip and the Macedonians, yet elsewhere he lay
open to assault, and was overpowered by the gold which came down from
Susa and Ecbatana), was therefore esteemed better able to recommend
than to imitate the virtues of past times. And yet (excepting only
Phocion), even in his life and manners, he far surpassed the other
orators of his time. None of them addressed the people so boldly; he
attacked the faults, and opposed himself to the unreasonable desires
of the multitude, as may be seen in his orations. Theopompus writes,
that the Athenians having by name selected Demosthenes, and called
upon him to accuse a certain person, he refused to do it; upon which
the assembly being all in an uproar, he rose up and said, “Your
counsellor, whether you will or no, O ye men of Athens, you shall
always have me; but a sycophant or false accuser, though you would
have me, I shall never be.” And his conduct in the case of Antiphon
was perfectly aristocratical; whom, after he had been acquitted in
the assembly, he took and brought before the court of Areopagus, and,
setting at naught the displeasure of the people, convicted him there
of having promised Philip to burn the arsenal; whereupon the man was
condemned by that court, and suffered for it. He accused, also,
Theoris, the priestess, amongst other misdemeanors, of having
instructed and taught the slaves to deceive and cheat their masters,
for which the sentence of death passed upon her, and she was
executed.
The oration
which Apollodorus made use of, and by it carried the cause against
Timotheus, the general, in an action of debt, it is said was written
for him by Demosthenes; as also those against Phormion and Stephanus,
in which latter case he was thought to have acted dishonorably, for
the speech which Phormion used against Apollodorus was also of his
making; he, as it were, having simply furnished two adversaries out
of the same shop with weapons to wound one another. Of his orations
addressed to the public assemblies, that against Androtion, and those
against Timocrates and Aristocrates, were written for others, before
he had come forward himself as a politician. They were composed, it
seems, when he was but seven or eight and twenty years old. That
against Aristogiton, and that for the Immunities, he spoke himself,
at the request, as he says, of Ctesippus, the son of Chabrias, but,
as some say, out of courtship to the young man’s mother. Though, in
fact, he did not marry her, for his wife was a woman of Samos, as
Demetrius, the Magnesian, writes, in his book on Persons of the same
Name. It is not certain whether his oration against Æschines, for
Misconduct as Ambassador, was ever spoken; although Idomeneus says
that Æschines wanted only thirty voices to condemn him. But this
seems not to be correct, at least so far as may be conjectured from
both their orations concerning the Crown; for in these, neither of
them speaks clearly or directly of it, as a cause that ever came to
trial. But let others decide this controversy.
It was
evident, even in time of peace, what course Demosthenes would steer
in the commonwealth; for whatever was done by the Macedonian, he
criticized and found fault with, and upon all occasions was stirring
up the people of Athens, and inflaming them against him. Therefore,
in the court of Philip, no man was so much talked of, or of so great
account as he; and when he came thither, one of the ten ambassadors
who were sent into Macedonia, though all had audience given them, yet
his speech was answered with most care and exactness. But in other
respects, Philip entertained him not so honorably as the rest,
neither did he show him the same kindness and civility with which he
applied himself to the party of Æschines and Philocrates. So that,
when the others commended Philip for his able speaking, his beautiful
person, nay, and also for his good companionship in drinking,
Demosthenes could not refrain from cavilling at these praises; the
first, he said, was a quality which might well enough become a
rhetorician, the second a woman, and the last was only the property
of a sponge; no one of them was the proper commendation of a prince.
But when
things came at last to war, Philip on the one side being not able to
live in peace, and the Athenians, on the other side, being stirred up
by Demosthenes, the first action he put them upon was the reducing of
Eubœa, which, by the treachery of the tyrants, was brought under
subjection to Philip. And on his proposition, the decree was voted,
and they crossed thither and chased the Macedonians out of the
island. The next, was the relief of the Byzantines and Perinthians,
whom the Macedonians at that time were attacking. He persuaded the
people to lay aside their enmity against these cities, to forget the
offences committed by them in the Confederate War, and to send them
such succors as eventually saved and secured them. Not long after, he
undertook an embassy through the States of Greece, which he solicited
and so far incensed against Philip, that, a few only excepted, he
brought them all into a general league. So that, besides the forces
composed of the citizens themselves, there was an army consisting of
fifteen thousand foot and two thousand horse, and the money to pay
these strangers was levied and brought in with great cheerfulness. On
which occasion it was, says Theophrastus, on the allies requesting
that their contributions for the war might be ascertained and stated,
Crobylus, the orator, made use of the saying, “War can’t be fed
at so much a day.” Now was all Greece up in arms, and in great
expectation what would be the event. The Eubœans, the Achæans, the
Corinthians, the Megarians, the Leucadians, and Corcyrænas, their
people and their cities, were all joined together in a league. But
the hardest task was yet behind, left for Demosthenes, to draw the
Thebans into this confederacy with the rest. Their country bordered
next upon Attica, they had great forces for the war, and at that time
they were accounted the best soldiers of all Greece, but it was no
easy matter to make them break with Philip, who, by many good
offices, had so lately obliged them in the Phocian war; especially
considering how the subjects of dispute and variance between the two
cities were continually renewed and exasperated by petty quarrels,
arising out of the proximity of their frontiers.
But after
Philip, being now grown high and puffed up with his good success at
Amphissa, on a sudden surprised Elatea and possessed himself of
Phocis, and the Athenians were in a great consternation, none durst
venture to rise up to speak, no one knew what to say, all were at a
loss, and the whole assembly in silence and perplexity, in this
extremity of affairs, Demosthenes was the only man who appeared, his
counsel to them being alliance with the Thebans. And having in other
ways encouraged the people, and, as his manner was, raised their
spirits up with hopes, he, with some others, was sent ambassador to
Thebes. To oppose him, as Marsyas says, Philip also sent thither his
envoys, Amyntas and Clearchus, two Macedonians, besides Daochus, a
Thessalian, and Thrasydæus. Now the Thebans, in their consultations,
were well enough aware what suited best with their own interest, but
every one had before his eyes the terrors of war, and their losses in
the Phocian troubles were still recent; but such was the force and
power of the orator, fanning up, as Theopompus says, their courage,
and firing their emulation, that casting away every thought of
prudence, fear, or obligation, in a sort of divine possession, they
chose the path of honor, to which his words invited them. And this
success, thus accomplished by an orator, was thought to be so
glorious and of such consequence, that Philip immediately sent
heralds to treat and petition for a peace: all Greece was aroused,
and up in arms to help. And the commanders-in-chief, not only of
Attica, but of Bœotia, applied themselves to Demosthenes, and
observed his directions. He managed all the assemblies of the
Thebans, no less than those of the Athenians; he was beloved both by
the one and by the other, and exercised the same supreme authority
with both; and that not by unfair means, or without just cause, as
Theopompus professes, but indeed it was no more than was due to his
merit.
Note
1. These are his own words, quoted from the Oration on the
Crown.
Note 2. A loud
declaimer about petty matters; from rhopos, small
wares, and perperos, a loud talker.
Note 3. Halonesus had
belonged to Athens, but had been seized by pirates, from whom Philip
took it. He was willing to make a present of it to the Athenians, but
Demosthenes warned them not on any account to take it, unless
it were expressly understood that they took it back; Philip
had no right to give what it was his duty to give back. The
distinction thus put was apparently the subject of a great deal of
pleasantry. Athenæus quotes five other passages from the comic
writers, playing upon it in the same way.
Note 4. Æsion was a
fellow scholar with Demosthenes. The comparison in his remarks gives
the superiority in manner to the old speakers, whom he remembered in
his youth, but in construction, to Demosthenes, his contemporary.
Note
5. “Sus
Minervam,” the proverb. Collytus, together with Melite, formed the
south-west, and, apparently, the more agreeable part of Athens.
Plutarch, consoling a friend who was banished from his native city,
tells him people cannot all live where they like best; it is not
every Athenian can live in Collytus, nor does a man consider himself
a miserable exile, who has to leave a house in Melite and take one in
Diomea.
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